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The powers to "evaluate evidence" and "find cheap ground to consider that someone is answerable for graft and corruption" are not merely fact-finding or investigatory. These are quasi-judicial in nature as a outcome of they really go into the weighing of evidence, drawing up of authorized conclusions from them as foundation for their official action and the exercise of discretion of a judicial or quasi-judicial nature. The Department of Justice is another agency with jurisdiction concurrent with the Ombudsman to conduct preliminary investigation of public officials and employees.43 Its concurrent jurisdiction relies on the 1987 Administrative Code. The above-quoted provisions present that the sole subject of the investigation shall be public officers and workers of the earlier administration only, that’s, until such time if and when the President decides to increase the Truth Commission’s mandate to incorporate different administrations .

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The UP COVID-19 Pandemic Response Team, in its newest mannequin run, estimates the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases to reach 9,000 to forty four,000 by the end of April 2022. As of April 16 DOH reviews a total of 5,660 confirmed instances. I wish to categorical my honest gratitude and appreciation to you all for your amazing response to this crisis—a global scenario the likes of which we have not seen in our lifetimes. We have been forced to droop classes, work and all different campus activities, and to remain inside our properties and practice social distancing, all to contain the unfold of the coronavirus (COVID-19) and to maintain our healthcare system from being dangerously overwhelmed.

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• The President’s energy of management is the facility to reverse, revise or modify the selections of subordinate executive officers, or substitute his personal choice for that of his subordinate, and even make the decision himself with out ready for the action of his subordinate.15 This energy of management does not involve the facility to create a public office.

The Decision upholds in intensive affirmatory language what, since the creation of the Republic, has been understood in regards to the powers of the Presidency and the necessity for the effective exercise of the investigatory powers of that office to serve state goals. Unfortunately, it then breaks its personal chain of thought and shrinks the vista from its grand view of consultant authorities to a view that is myopic and logically infirm. No. 1 is to stamp out acts of graft and corruption leads to the fallacious and artificial conclusion that respondents are stamping out corrupt acts of the earlier administration only, as if E.O. No. 1 represents the complete anti-corruption efforts of the Executive Department. No. 1 is "outside the rubric of judicial scrutiny."32 Analogous to Quinto’s directions, this Court can’t and should not arrogate unto itself the power to ascertain and impose on the President one of the best or full way of obtaining info to eradicate corruption. Policy selections on the practicality or desirability of data-gathering that is conscious of the wants of the Executive Department in discharging the obligation to faithfully execute the legal guidelines are greatest left to the sound discretion of the President.

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Nonsensical claims, like the selective prosecution invoked in People v. dela Piedra, are unavailing. Impossible situations, like requiring the investigation of "earlier previous administrations," are disallowed. All these flimsy and dilatory excuses violate the clear command of the Constitution that public officers are accountable to the people "at all times."